South Carolina electricity and gas company Essay Example for Free

South Carolina electricity and gas company Essay This company deals in the supply of natural gas to homes, businesses and other users in community. Natural gas is one of the most versatile, environmentally friendly and dependable sources of energy available. Nothing will warm a home like natural gas, so let SCEG help you make the most of it (www. sceg. com) At break-even Sales = total cost Assume the rent is 20,000, fixed cost 25000, wages 12 per unit, variable cost 10 per unit If the revenue price per unit is US$ 220 the break-even will as follows:- 220X y = 12y+10y +20000+25000 45000 = 198y Y = 228 units The unit of measurement is gas cylinders In case, they want to adjust the selling price upward to 240. the breakeven will be as follows: 240X y = 12y+10y +20000+25000 45000 = 218y Y = 207 units In case, they want to adjust the selling price downward to 200. The breakeven will be as follows: 178X y = 12y+10y +20000+25000 45000 = 178y Y = 253 units.

The Morgan Report 1991: Crime prevention strategies

The Morgan Report 1991: Crime prevention strategies The Morgan report of 1991 identified the local authority as being central to the delivery of crime prevention strategy. How successful have local authorities in fact proved to be in implementing this strategy? There can be little doubt that crime and crime prevention strategies are two of the most socio-political important issues facing Britain in the contemporary era. The crime prevention strategies that were in place for the vast majority of the twentieth century were established to deal with nineteenth century social and political problems pertaining to urban expansion – itself a direct cause of industrialisation and the expansion of technology in the Victorian era (Elmsley, 2003:66-84). Yet the social and political problems facing late twentieth century and early twenty first century pose new logistical problems that old and outmoded crime prevention strategies have proved unable to solve. Globalisation, migration and the triumph of liberal political ideology have all conspired to radically alter the concept not only of policing but also of human rights. This, in turn, has had a major effect upon the implementation of crime prevention strategies – most notably with regard s to the de-centralisation of policing. It is the aim of the following essay to analyse the consequences of this shift from central to local control with regards to the delivery of crime prevention strategies in modern Britain. Before we can commence our analysis, though, we need to look at the specific policy context in order to establish a conceptual framework for the remainder of the discussion. Although the de-centralisation of policing was officially enshrined in the Crime and Disorder Act of 1998, the impetus behind this reform was located in the Morgan Report of 1991, which was set up by the Home Office to look at the delivery of local crime prevention strategies. The subsequent report made two recommendations that have since formed the backbone of the central government’s anti-crime and disorder approach. Firstly, the report recommended the implementation of â€Å"the two concepts of community safety and (increasingly) crime and disorder reduction to signify a comprehensive and targeted local approach to crime control† (Hughes and Edwards, 2005:19). Secondly, the report recommended that the state establish a clear statutory responsibility for local authorities – constituting the genesis of the multi-agency, ‘partnership’ approach to crime prevention. This, then, is the birth of the de-centralisation of policing and crime prevention with local authorities being charged with taking a more ‘hands-on’ role with regards to policing in the context of less high-risk crime such as youth crime and social disorder with the state remaining responsible for the policing of more high-risk crimes such as the contemporary ‘war’ against terrorism. As Anthony Giddens (the chief social policy advisor to the Blair government after New Labour first came to power in 1997) duly notes, â€Å"professional policing involves mainly concentrating on serious issues† (Giddens, 1998:88). Thus, although the kind of policing envisaged for local authorities remained very professional in focus after 1998, we should also be aware that the local authority was expected to deal with the less serious issues facing contemporary crime. As such while we should interpret local authorities as indeed being central to crime prevention we shoul d take care to understand the nature of the crimes that these authorities were expected to assist preventing. It should also be noted that this development did not constitute a United States style federal or quasi-federal approach to crime prevention in modern day Britain. Rather, the Home Office and the Home Secretary remain the key centres of arbitrary legal and political power with regards to the implementation of crime prevention strategies in the UK and decisions taken by these centralised bodies remain the definitive ruling in all criminal proceedings. This is an important point to remember when attempting to deduce the ultimate success or failure of local authorities in reducing crime and social disorder. As is the case with education and health care, the New Labour government can be seen to have presided over a situation best characterised as ‘policy overkill’ – creating conflicting spheres of interest and influence with regards to social policy without necessarily offering anything substantial or ‘new’ (Fulbrook, 2001:243-259). It is essential, therefore, to understand that the increased relevance that has been attached to statutory local authorities is part of the government’s broader strategy of initiating multi-agency partnerships between public sector services (such as local authorities), private enterprises and public initiatives (such as community watch or neighbourhood management). In theory, these multi-agency partnerships should involve a free exchange of ideas between each of the public, private and voluntary sectors, mirroring the democratic environment in which they have all been conceived. In this way, it is hoped crime can be tackled by utilising the logistical resources of the state, the financial resources of business and the knowledge-based resources of local communities. However, as Gordon Hughes (1998:76) observes, the reality has tended to be less a reflection of democratic ideals and more a manifestation of corporate ethos with the concept of both ‘multi-agency’ and the ‘community’ lost within the broader parameters of the de-centralisation of policing and anti-crime powers. â€Å"This slippage between the terms ‘multi-agency’ and ‘community’ is somewhat problematic. It glosses over the key feature of multi-agency crime prevention which is that it is chiefly a ‘top-down’, neo-corporatist strategy from both central and local state regimes. In this strategy situational crime prevention techniques predominate and there is minimal ‘bottom-up’ communal participation and minimal popular democratic ownership.† This is an important point to remember and one that has a direct impact upon the limitations of local authorities with regards to effectively delivering crime prevention measures. Because of the two-tier structure of the multi-agency partnerships – whereby the capital of private enterprise and the political capital of the public sector are elevated over and above the ‘grass roots’ advice of community leaders and neighbourhood managers – local authorities are frequently unable to formulate local policies that are devised to combat crime within any one specific local authority. Dialogue between the agencies is in many cases limited. This clearly impacts upon the ability of local authorities with regards to fighting crime as the impetus behind crime prevention strategies remains rooted in the top tier of decision and policy making, located at central government and think-tank level. Moreover, where there is dialogue between the often competing agencies involve d within the multi-agency framework, the language is shrouded in protocol characterised by excessive paperwork, red tape and bureaucracy. The Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships (CDRP) initiative, for instance, dedicates little attention to implementing crime prevention strategies, preferring to donate more time to analysing and developing ‘strategic assessments’ to use as theoretical ‘toolkits’ in the fight against crime and social disorder (Home Office, 2007). We should consequently note the way in which the existence of the partnership strategies themselves, coupled with the policy overkill of the New Labour government, has directly contributed to excessive red tape and bureaucracy at the exact moment when greater initiative needs to be taken at a grass roots level. Until this underlying chasm between theory and practice has been bridged, we ought to expect local authorities to continue to deliver crime prevention strategies that are wholly out of synch with the social realities of policing everyday life in a diverse, multicultural society (Clements, 2008). None of this, we should note, is to conclusively state that the decentralisation of crime prevention strategies has been a failure throughout Britain. Rather, the point being highlighted above has been that the partnership scheme comes with inherent structural weaknesses that cannot help but hinder the broader initiative of tackling crime. However, measuring in real terms the ultimate success or failure of local authorities’ drives to reduce crime is also an inherently difficult task. Not only are facts and figures manipulated by both the local authorities themselves, the mass media’s intense interest in crime and social disorder as a mainstream journalistic story means that facts and figures are similarly manipulated by the media in order to sensationalise a story (Jewkes, 2004). The mass media’s over-riding commercial desire to ‘sell’ a story completely negates any sense of unbiased, impartial journalistic integrity. Thus, much in the same way as t he neo-corporatist undercurrent pervades through the two-tier structure of multi-agency partnerships in the community so the same corporatist, capitalist dimension affects the measurement of success or failure with regards to crime prevention strategies. We must also take note of the way in which statistics can trick the spectator outside of the ideological parameters of political engineering and outside of the sphere of influence of the global mass media. For instance, the statistics for ‘all crime’ committed in England and Wales appears to show a clear reduction in the number of crimes being committed per one thousand persons with the figure falling from 26.4 per one thousand people between April and June 2005 to 24.9 per one thousand people between January and March 2006 (Home Office Website; first accessed 10.06.08). These crimes, though, cover the entire spectrum of criminality with many of these crimes falling within the jurisdiction of the Home Office and the Home Secretary. Specific target groups such as young offenders, on the other hand, have witnessed vast increases in the numbers of crimes being committed since the Morgan Report and the implementation of the Crime and Disorder Act. The UK charity TheSite.org (first accessed 11.06.08) notes how the number of fifteen to seventeen year olds currently being held in custody has doubled in the last ten years. All of these figures are easy to manipulate and rather than offering conclusive evidence as to the success or failure of the multi-agency initiative, these figures only serve to further cloud the reality of devolution of crime prevention strategies in contemporary Britain. Conclusion The recommendations contained with the Morgan Report, in addition to the Crime and Disorder Act in which these recommendations were encapsulated, were correct in citing the need to expand the concept of crime prevention to incorporate local authorities. Furthermore, because of the nature of power in a social democracy in the contemporary era, this shift from voluntary to statutory status, incorporating a multi-agency approach, was also a necessary move (Phillips, 2001:163-181). However, as we have seen, this multi-agency approach has predominantly conspired to further cloud what were already murky issues with regards to responsibility, accountability and the implementation of the broader anti-crime strategy. Not only has bureaucratic procedure hampered the process of cooperation and conciliation between the private, pubic and voluntary sectors that make up these multi-agencies, there has also been a lack of foresight with regards to the arbitration of political and judicial power. For instance, where the local authorities are expected to initiate measures to tackle such measures as anti-social behaviour, it is the centralised state that continues to set the quotas with regards to immigration figures, housing as well as setting the budget which decides the amount of policemen that are able to patrol the streets. The recent strike over police pay highlights the extent to which local authorities’ hands are tied when it comes to tackling crime at a regio nal level. Furthermore, the lack of communication recently exposed with regards to the police and hospitals over the release of the number of victims being admitted with stab wounds further underscores the ground that needs to be made up before we can say that the local authorities are truly in charge of tackling crime in contemporary, decentralised Britain. Consequently, we need to acknowledge first and foremost the structural weaknesses inherent in the multi-agency approach to crime prevention. Furthermore, we need to acknowledge the rapidly changing nature not only of crime but also of society in the twenty first century and the impact that this is bound to continue to have upon contemporary policing methods. It is, in the final analysis, much too soon to attempt proclaim the ultimate success or failure of a project that should still be understood as being in its embryonic stage. References All Crime Statistics for England and Wales, April 2005 to March 2006, in, Home Office Website; http://www.crimestatistics.org.uk/tool/ Clements, P. (2008) Policing a Diverse Society: Second Edition Oxford: Oxford University Press Developing a Strategic Assessment: An Effective Practice Toolkit for Crime and Disorder Reduction Partnerships and Community Safety Partnerships (2007) London: The Home Office Elmsley, C. (2003) The Birth and Development of the Police, in, Newburn, T. (Ed.) A Handbook of Policing Uffculme: Willan Publishing Fulbrook, J. (2001) New Labour’s Welfare Reforms: Anything New? , in, The Modern Law Review, Volume 64, Number 2, 243-259 Giddens, A. (1998) The Third Way: The Renewal of Social Democracy Cambridge: Polity Press Hughes, G. (1998) Understanding Crime Prevention: Social Control, Risk and Late Modernity Maidenhead: The Open University Press Hughes, G. and Edwards, A. (2005) Crime Prevention in Context, in, Tilly, N. (Ed.) A Handbook of Crime Prevention and Community Safety Uffculme: Willan Publishing Jewkes, Y. (2004) Media and Crime: A Critical Introduction London and New York: Sage Phillips, C. (2001) From Voluntary to Statutory Status: Reflecting on the Experience of Three Partnerships Established under the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, in, Hughes, G., McLaughlin, E. and Muncie, J. (Eds.) Crime Prevention and Community Safety: New Directions London and New York: Sage Young Offenders, in, The Site.Org Website; http://www.thesite.org/homelawandmoney/law/introuble/youngoffenders

Human Centric Computing: Algorithm Animation :: Essays Papers

Human Centric Computing: Algorithm Animation To many computer science students, algorithms are evil incarnate. They are hard to learn, understand, and teach. So, is there any way to make this difficult (and rather important) aspect of computer science easier? I believe that if algorithm animations are not a step in the right direction then maybe we need to change the direction. Algorithm animation is just a small piece of the software visualization puzzle. Software visualization is "the visualization of computer programs and algorithms" (Price 4). Unlike the visualization of computer programs, which is the visualization of the code or data, "visualization of an algorithm is the visualization of the higher-level abstractions which describe software" (Price 6). Visualization of algorithms can further be broken down into two more groups: inactive algorithm visualization, which is the use of flow charts, and active algorithm visualization, which is algorithm animation (Price 6). According to Marc H. Brown and John Hershberger, there are a few basic concepts that need to be met for an algorithm animation to be useful. The first is that the algorithm must be shown from different view points, each "displaying only a few aspects of the algorithm. Each view..." should be "...easy to comprehend in isolation, and the composition of several views is more informative that the sum of their individual contributions" (Brown 83). The next issue they talk about is "state cues"; "state cues reflect an algorithm's dynamic behavior" (Brown 84). This means that when the program algorithm is passing a certain part in the program, it should be visually clear; for instance, "when a sub file is partitioned, the animation replaces its box by a tree node at the splitting element with two smaller boxes as children" (Brown 84). Next, they talk about "static history"; this is just a log of what the algorithm has already accomplished (Brown 84). Lastly, they talk about how the changes to the algorithm animation should look as the animation goes on (Brown 84). The animation needs to know when to just abruptly change two subjects (i.e. replacing a dot with a square) and when to show a more fluid switch of two subjects (i.e. gradually show two squares changing places) (Brown 85). One of the most common human centric uses for algorithm animations is its potential as a learning device. The only problem is that it's not clear whether it is effective. There are many programs that allow algorithm animations to be used for learning purposes, and as an example of one, I will look at an early program called Animated Algorithms.

An Inspector Calls :: essays research papers

The finale of An Inspector Calls brought cheers but most of all it brought about confusion. It was obvious this play wasn’t going to lay out a neat plot for the audience; it was going to be a play that stays in your mind for the next few days. The intriguing part of this play was, for once, everyone didn’t just wake up, bleary-eyed to give the cast a meaningless clap. When I looked around, I saw people I would have pegged for being gone before the lights had dimmed, actually paying attention, and even more surprising, struggling after the play to comprehend the meaning. Inspector Goole’s role was clearly to make this family aware of the impact of seemingly trivial things they did in life. Sheila’s immediate reaction when she was at the store was to complain to the manager, but she realized how silly it was once Goole had pointed it out. Gerald and Eric saw messing around with â€Å"women of the town,† as they were kindly put, as merely a fun distraction, but Goole showed them how that led to pregnancy and how that can destroy a woman’s life. The husband and wife were so used to dismissing people in life that they didn’t think dismissing Eva Smith from a job and help, would matter anymore than anyone else they had brushed off. This was a family who simply acted with no conscience, and Goole was there to give them a conscience. Goole is right, â€Å"we are all responsible,† and this play served to teach their family, and the audience, a lesson. Every action we take in our lives is because of a choice we make, and we have to make sure those choices aren’t ones we are going to regret in years to come. Whether we are making fun of the autistic boy down the street, or making racist jokes, it is ultimately ourselves that we have to look in the mirror each day at and realize what we have done in our lifetime. The end of the play was ambiguous and it left the audience craving a clear and understandable ending. Were there more girls than just Eva Smith? Was Inspector Goole real? What really was real? Some people thought Goole was a spirit that had come to foretell the future, others thought there were multiple girls in the pictures, while a few thought it was the same girl just in a different pose.

The Power of Stretching :: Sports Running Stretch Exercise Essays

The Power of Stretching "The money and the fame are irrelevant really. I'm just a hamstring away from oblivion; you've got to look at it like that." ---- Steve Jones Running is the oldest and most popular sports in the world. Most runners feel that running is fairly simple, when in reality it is very complex. Running is one of the only sports that gives the whole body a work out. Leg strength and cardiovascular endurance play huge roles in the success of a runner, but they are not the only things that measure ones running ability. Upper body strength and back support are also important in running. Since athlete's's bodies are made up entirely of muscle, they must exercise often in order to take care of themselves and prevent injuries. Muscles are like any other thing in the world, the more you use them the stronger they get. Running long distances is strenuous on the muscles and if they are over worked and under cared for they can be damaged. Running causes the muscles that are active to become strong and less flexible, whereas the opposing muscles that are relatively under used become weaker. When muscles are being used they expand and contract often. If the muscles were not used in a while they usually get sore from the work out. Since muscles are the most important part of being athletic, proper care should go into maintaining them. Stretching before and after runs is a perfect way to care for your muscles. WHAT IS STRETCHING? The three main reason why stretching is so beneficial to a runners body is: it reduces the risk of injury, prevents muscle soreness after exercise, and it improves athletic performance. What is actually happening to the body during a stretch is very complex. Each muscle contains stretch receptors which attach themselves to the working part of the muscle called, muscle fibers. The stretch receptors measure the degree of the stretch, sending a message through the spinal cord to the nerves that control the contraction of the muscle where the receptors are. As the runner stretches more intensely the receptors begin to send out pulses harder and more rapidly. These pulses exceed a certain frequency, and the stretched muscle contracts and shortens, preventing overstretching. STRETCHING INJURIES Unfortunately, stretching is not done willingly by runners. Even though it would only take an extra five to ten minutes on top of the one or two hour run, most runners choose to skip stretching.

Air Pollution in Kuwait

Air pollution is one of the problems facing the international communities. Air pollution is known to have devastating effects on the environment. Kuwait has a long history of air pollution since the era of the Gulf War.   During the Gulf War, more than 600 oil wells were set on fire leading to loss of 6 million barrels of oil everyday and devastating air pollution. There were large pools and lakes of oil that led to water and land pollution.The burning oil wells of Kuwait, which were equated to Chernobyl disaster, emitted tons of green house gases like sulfur dioxide, carbon monoxide, carbon dioxide, and oxides of nitrogen leading to devastating effects on plant and animals. Although the oil fires were put out, the imprint on the environment are still evident many more years after the Gulf War. Since the massive air pollution during the Gulf War, Kuwait has made progress in cleaning the environment but air pollution is still rampant.Policy ChallengeSince the Gulf War, air pollution is still a major problem in Kuwait.   The government has embarked on a massive program to clean the air but the policies adopted have not provided total solution to the problem.Kuwait Environment Public Authority has been on the frontline in fighting the air pollution problems which dates back to the Gulf War era. However, most of the environmental policies that were formulated by the government then were aimed at reversing air pollution effect of the Gulf War and most of them have not been able to tackle the current problems (Al Jeran and Khan, 2009).There has been tremendous growth in population in the country and the business environment has also grown in different ways. Large settlement in cities and towns has led to increased air pollution mainly from increase number of vehicles emitting tons of pollutant gases every day. Kuwait oil industry which is the mainstay economic activity in the country has also contributed to air pollution.Analysis of the problemAccording to the re sults of a study that was published in Al-Qabas Newspaper in June 2006, more than 86.9% of Kuwait population considers air pollution as the biggest environmental challenge they have to deal with (Al-Mutairi and Koushki, 2009). This is evidence of increased air pollution which shows that there has been little progress to reverse the effect of the Gulf wars more than a decade later.Air pollution in Kuwait has been contributed by two main sources including transport and oil industry. Studies have reveals that automobiles are the main mode of transport in the country with an average employed person making more than 6.1 trips every day with a mean length of 13.6 km.Studies also show an average individual is likely to be delayed for more than 68 minutes everyday in traffic congestion (Koushki, 2007). A study carried out in 2005 revealed that an average Kuwait resident traveling to and from work generated about: (Al-Mutairi and Koushki, 2009)a)   31,275 tons of Volatile Organic Compounds b)   247,764 tones of carbon monoxidec)   19,594 tons of oxides of nitrogend)   1,703 tons of sulfur dioxidee)   6 million tons of carbon dioxide  Traffic has been rated as the leading cause of air pollution in Kuwait urban areas.However, in the rural and urban areas, power stations and oil refinery plants makes a huge contribution to air pollution as well. Kuwait is one of the oil rich countries and oil contributed a large part to the country GDP. However, oil exploration has come with serious effects on the environment, notably grey clouds of smoke from oil refineries that goes up the sky.

Are More Violent Than Ever Essay

In our current time today, there have been many issues concerning our behavior in the society. Philosophers for ages have been studying why man behaves so at he is. Still, no singular theory for human behavior has been developed. It is important for a society to be in a peaceful and orderly manner. If societies have citizens with improper behavior then it may lead to chaos in the community. Having orderly manner is one key factor in making up a community. If the balance between these factors is disturbed then it could lead to trouble. One of the alarming issues in our youth today is the growing number of violence in our youth today. One important public health problem that needs to be resolved immediately is youth violence. This problem usually leads to death and fatalities. In a 2003 study, 5,570 young people that were from the ages of 10 to 24 were murdered. An average of 15 young murders is committed each day. Most of the victims were killed from the use of firearms such as guns. 750,000 young people between the ages of 10 to 24 were rushed to hospitals and clinics because of the injuries they have sustained by violence. (â€Å"Youth Violence, Facts Sheet†) There have been many reports of school shooting, youth accessing fire arms, youth violent acts in the community. Most of the teens are expected to be in schools and sadly, school violence today is increasing also. In 2004, a nationwide survey was conducted in high schools. The survey showed that 17% students confirmed they brought a dangerous weapon inside their school premises. Around 6% of the teenagers who were interview that were attending school stated that they intentionally missed a school days because they felt threatened inside their school grounds. The survey also showed that bullying is growing to a serious problem in schools today. In the survey, 30% of students in 6th and 10th grade were said to be a bully, a target of a bully or both. The survey also stated that 33% of the students were said to be involved in a physical fight in their school. The institution that the children should be being educated is now also evident of violence. It is a fact that violence in teenagers are increasing. (â€Å"Youth Violence, Facts Sheet†; Prevention â€Å"National Center for Injury Prevention and Control†; Prevention â€Å"Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States†) There are some factors that cause violence in our teens today. One of which is television and media. Violence on Television happens in most of its programs and 5 times more in cartoons which are viewed by children. Studies have revealed that violence on television and media affects the behavior and attitudes of its viewers, especially the children who watch it. A study shows that a minimum of 8,000 murders and 100,000 other acts of violence on television and media has been witnessed by a child at the age of 12. There is much violence in the media, such as in music, cartoons, wrestling shows or movies, which corrupts the children attuned to it and makes them recognize violence and thus, increases violent behavior. Sadly, children spend most of their time watching television and playing violent video games than studying and being in their classrooms. (Prevention â€Å"Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance—United States†) Another cause of violence in our youth is violence at home. Teenagers who are experience violence in there home, whether it is done to them or to other family members, would also become violent. A young person’s home have a huge effect on him. Violence in homes are caused by multiple factors such as past violent encounters in the violent family member’s home and also by poverty or being in the underclass which causes dysfunctional ties within the family. The poor monitoring of a child in a low parent environment would likely turn that child to violence. The child would practice violent acts outside his home, just following what he observes inside the house. (Mercy J; â€Å"Teen Violence†)